On April 11, 2023, Governor Bill Lee called for the Tennessee 
Legislature to respond to the public’s emotional response to the 
Covenant School murders by enacting a law to make sure mentally ill 
people do not have access to firearms.   He did not use the term “Red 
Flag” but that is the correct label for the kind of law that Governor 
Lee described as a “new protective order”.   
Tennessee’s 
Legislature has a super majority of Republicans.   Many of those 
Republicans have campaigned as strong Second Amendment supporters and 
continue to claim that they are.  Many of them have told their 
constituents that they would never support a “Red Flag” law.  Some may 
have answered candidate surveys or signed pledges assuring the voters 
that they would never support a “Red Flag” law in Tennessee.  Now 
Republican Governor Lee calls on them to violate those promises and 
assurances and to pass a “Red Flag” law. 
A “Red Flag” law is 
sometimes referred to as an “extreme risk protection order”.   
Independent of the label that someone places on it to conceal its 
purpose, a Red Flag law is a type of gun control law and is normally a 
type of law that the progressive left seeks to enact.  
A “Red 
Flag” law is a scheme that allows almost anyone to claim that a specific
 individual posses a firearm and that they person is also some degree of
 risk of harm to themself or others.   In some “Red Flag” systems a 
court has the authority to issue an order to direct law enforcement to 
seize the individual’s firearms and to notify the relevant government 
authorities that the individual is banned from purchasing firearms.  
Generally, the initial seizure order is issued “ex parte” which means 
that the individual is not notified that the “Red Flag” seizure order is
 being requested, that a court is considering whether to issue it, or 
even that it has been issued until law enforcement comes to execute the 
order and seize the individual’s firearms. 
The individual has no “due process” options to oppose the initial ex 
parte hearing or order.  The individual has no opportunity to be 
represented by an attorney at the initial ex parte hearing.   The 
individual has no right to have an attorney appointed for them before 
their constitutionally protected rights are trampled.    Depending on 
the order, it can be in effect for weeks, months or even years.
In
 many of these “Red Flag” schemes, the individual does have the ability 
to engage an attorney after the ex parte order has been issued and 
typically after the firearms have been seized to challenge the order.   
However, that may require that the person expend substantial amounts, 
likely thousands of dollars if not tens of thousands of dollars – to 
hire an experienced private attorney to represent the individual.  It 
may require that the individual hire a qualified doctor as a “trial 
expert” to assess the individual and testify concerning the individual’s
 mental health status – something that itself could cost several 
thousand dollars.  In some instances, the burden is on the individual to
 prove that they are not a risk or that they are not mentally or 
emotionally unstable.  The fact is it could easily cost the individual 
tens of thousands of dollars to attempt to protect their 
constitutionally protected rights and frequently they are not entitled 
to be reimbursed their legal expenses if they win.   Further, there is 
generally no adverse consequences on the person or persons who initiated
 the “Red Flag” seizure process if the court later finds that the order 
should not have been granted.  
If the ex parte order is issued it is not 
necessarily limited to just taking firearms away from the individual’s 
possession.   In doing that, it could have other negative complications 
if the person’s job involves carrying a firearm such as a law 
enforcement officer, an armed guard, private security, potentially 
airline pilots, etc.   Further, it does not limit the capacity of the 
individual to get possession of other things such as knives or other 
items that could be used to inflict serious bodily injury or death.  
Quite
 simply, the Red Flag scheme is not intended to deal with the risk – 
which would be an individual that has a probable propensity to engage in
 immediate violence due to mental or emotional health issues.  The “Red 
Flag” scheme could care less about that risk because its purpose is not 
to address the risk, it is to implement gun control.
Governor Bill Lee called on the Tennessee Legislature to respond to 
the Covenant shooting and the emotional 
responses to that event.  He calls for the Legislature to enact 
something in the next few weeks.   Essentially, he calls for a quick 
emotional response that has the clear agenda of infringing the 
constitutionally protected rights of some individuals. 
One significant concern with Governor Bill Lee’s response to this 
situation, particularly following the incidents involving the expulsion 
of certain Democrat House members who broke House rules to demand more 
gun control, is that he is calling for “something” to be done now.  
Nothing in his statements indicate that he has considered the potential 
constitutional limits on what options may exist. 
The question 
that needs consideration is whether the Governor or the Legislature even
 has the constitutional authority now to enact a Red Flag category of 
law.    Certainly, some states have done so but in most of those 
instances, those states did so before the United States Supreme Court 
imposed a new standard for the scope of constitutionally permissible 
authority for any government entity to enact 
or retain laws that impact rights protected by the Second Amendment.  That standard changed in June 2022. 
In 
New York State Rifle & Pistol Association v. Bruen, 142 S. Ct. 2111 (2022),
 the United States Supreme Court stated that the Second and Fourteenth 
Amendments together guarantee individuals not only the right to “keep” 
firearms in their homes, but also the right to “bear arms” in public, 
meaning the ability of “ordinary, law-abiding citizens” to carry 
constitutionally protected arms “for self-defense outside the home,” 
free from infringement by either federal or state governments.  
Id. at 2122, 2134.
  
The Supreme Court held that, “when the Second Amendment’s plain text 
covers an individual’s conduct, the Constitution presumptively protects 
that conduct.  To justify its regulation, the government may not simply 
posit that the regulation promotes an important interest.  Rather, the 
government must demonstrate that the regulation is consistent with this 
Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation.  Only if a firearm 
regulation is consistent with this Nation’s historical tradition may a 
court conclude that the individual’s conduct falls outside the Second 
Amendment’s ‘unqualified command.’”  Bruen at 2126.  The only 
appropriate inquiry, according to the Supreme Court is what the “public 
understanding of the right to keep and bear arms” was during the 
ratification of the Second Amendment in 1791.  Bruen at 2137–38.  
Although the Supreme Court’s decision in 
Bruen is less than a
 year old, it is already having major changes across the nation as many 
laws which previously had been approved by federal appellate courts as 
“constitutional” are being struck down now as unconstitutional. 
Take
 for example the issue of an order of protection (such as Governor Lee 
referenced) that contains a prohibition on the individual possessing or 
purchasing firearms.   That issue came before a federal district court 
in November 2022 in the matter of 
United States of America v. Litsson Antonio Perez-Gallan.  
In 
Perez-Gallan
 an individual who had an ex parte order of protection issued against 
him in Kentucky was stopped in New Mexico and found to be in possession 
of a firearm.  Federal law provides in 18 U.S.C. § 922(g)(8) that an 
individual who has an order of  protection against them cannot purchase 
or possess a firearm.   The court noted that the United States Supreme 
Court had in 
Bruen put the burden on the government to prove 
that any restriction or infringement on an individual’s right to keep or
 bear arms (which includes purchasing) was part of the “nation’s 
historical tradition” as of 1791.  In looking at this issue, the court 
in 
Perez-Gallan concluded: 
… Bruen’s mandate is that a gun regulation’s constitutionality hinge solely on the historical inquiry. According to Bruen, that can be this Court’s only consideration. The Court concedes, therefore, that a court reading Bruen strictly could have arguably stopped after Section IV of this Opinion.
That said, this Court embraces Bruen’s
 charge. Thus, after sifting through the history above, this Court finds
 that the Government did not prove that § 922(g)(8) aligns with this 
Nation’s historical tradition of firearm regulation and declines the 
Government’s invitation to insert its own public policy concerns rather 
than following Bruen. As a result, the Court holds that § 922(g)(8) is unconstitutional under Bruen’s framework.
The court in 
Perez-Gallan thus found that orders of protection – what Governor Lee proposed on April 11, 2023 – are unconstitutional under 
Bruen to the extent that such laws have the consequence of prohibiting an individual from purchasing or possessing firearms. 
In
 another recent decision, a court in New York state was called upon to 
consider whether New York’s “Red Flag” law violated the Second Amendment
 under the 
Bruen standards.  In 
G.W. v C.N.,
 2022 NY Slip Op 22392 [78 Misc 3d 289] (December 22, 2022).  In that 
case, the New York court declared the state’s Red Flag law – what 
Governor Lee proposed on April 11, 2023 – to be unconstitutional.
The question presented is whether 
CPLR article 63-A sufficiently protects a New York citizen’s due process
 rights when, as here, the state denies a fundamental right, to wit: by 
infringing on that citizen’s right to keep and bear arms under the 
Second Amendment of the United States Constitution.
This court holds that CPLR article 63-A does not sufficiently protect a citizen’s rights and therefore is unconstitutional.
Prior
 to addressing the constitutionality of CPLR article 63-A (Extreme Risk 
Protection Orders), the court has looked for guidance from the Supreme 
Court’s recent decision in New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn., Inc. v Bruen (597 US —, 142 S Ct 2111 [2022]). In Bruen,
 the Court recognized that “the Second and Fourteenth Amendments protect
 an individual right to keep and bear arms for self-defense.” (Bruen, 597 US at —, 142 S Ct at 2125.) Further, in following the lead of District of Columbia v Heller (554 US 570 [2008]), the Bruen Court
 reiterated that “when the Second Amendment’s plain text covers an 
individual’s conduct, the Constitution presumptively protects that 
conduct[, and t]o justify [a firearm regulation] . . . the government 
must demonstrate that the regulation is consistent with this Nation’s 
historical tradition of firearm regulation.” (Bruen, 597 US at —, 142 S Ct at 2126.)
Also,
 it is of import for the present discussion to review the United States 
Supreme Court’s interpretation of the value of the Second Amendment. In McDonald v Chicago[*2]
 (561 US 742, 780 [2010]), the United States Supreme Court declared that
 the Second Amendment is not a “second-class right, subject to an 
entirely different body of rules than the other Bill of Rights 
guarantees.” Most recently, in New York State Rifle & Pistol Assn., Inc. v Bruen, the Supreme Court reaffirmed McDonald.
 Here, the Court stressed that “[t]he constitutional right to bear arms 
in public for self-defense is not ‘a second-class right, subject to an 
entirely different body of rules than the other Bill of Rights 
guarantees.’ ” (Bruen, 597 US at —, 142 S Ct at 2156, quoting McDonald at 780.)
***
While
 some may advocate that “the ends justify the means” in support of 
article 63-A, where those means violate a fundamental right under our 
Bill of Rights to achieve their ends, then the law, on its face, cannot 
stand.
The standard imposed on government authority by the Supreme Court in Bruen, places the burden on the government to demonstrate before it violates a constitutionally protected right
 (otherwise the Federal Civil Rights Acts are relevant) that the 
proposed law was either part of the nation’s historical tradition as of 
1791 or that it is a close analogy to a law that existed at that time.  
 
Governor Lee called for the Legislature to react to the emotional 
response of some citizens after the Covenant murders and more 
particularly after the expulsion of two Democrat House members who 
demanded gun control.   Nothing in 
Bruen authorized knee-jerk 
emotional responses to murders or the calls of progressive Democrats and
 their mobs to justify government infringement of a right protected by 
the Constitution.   
The Supreme Court made clear that in order for a government to have constitutional authority to enact any law that 
might remotely impact a right protected by the Second Amendment, the 
government bears the constitutional burden as a condition precedent to 
enacting such a law to clearly demonstrate that the law or restriction 
satisfies the constitutional threshold standard set forth in 
Bruen.   
Failing
 to clearly satisfy that condition precedent exposes the state and 
public actors to charges that they have engaged in  Federal Civil Rights
 violations – which is what has 
recently happened
 to another law champion by Governor Bill Lee and where the state 
admitted that provisions of his 2021 permitless carry law violated the 
Second Amendment, violated the Fourteenth Amendment, constituted Federal
 Civil Rights violations and required the state (taxpayers) to reimburse
 attorneys fees to the victims of those civil rights violations.
 
This is not a time to follow a call to passing something, anything 
now to show the “mob” that Tennessee Government responds to emotional 
calls for gun control.  Now is the time to determine first what 
constitutionally permissible options exist, if any, to deal with the 
risks on society by those who have serious mental health issues and how 
those mental health risks can be addressed without violating the 
constitutional rights of anyone.