Subject: Common Sense ULP Deferral, AI, Shawn Fain's Downfall: LRI INK

August 14, 2025

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Finally, A Common-Sense Move On ULP Deferral

by Michael VanDervort

Why Acting GC Cowen’s new guidance gives employers (and unions) some welcome breathing room.


For once, the NLRB is putting practicality over process.


In GC Memo 25-10, issued August 7, 2025, Acting General Counsel William Cowen told Regional Offices to prioritize deferring unfair labor practice (ULP) charges to collectively bargained grievance and arbitration procedures before launching an investigation. The directive emphasizes the importance of using mechanisms already agreed to by employers and unions in their CBAs. It’s a return to a more business-friendly, resource-conscious standard—and it echoes Cowen’s public comments to Bloomberg Law that the Board’s limited resources should be focused on disputes without a negotiated resolution path.


What changed?


Instead of charging full steam into an investigation, Regions are now instructed to:

  1. Apply the Dubo Manufacturing 142 NLRB 431 (1963) (“Dubo”) standard first—Is the charge timely, facially valid, and reasonably resolvable through the parties’ contractual grievance procedure? If so, the Region defers and moves on. Dubo deferral decisions are not appealable.

  2. If Dubo doesn’t apply, consider Collyer Insulated Wire, 192 NLRB 837 (1971) (“Collyer”), a narrower deferral standard that the Board has long recognized.

  3. Shift the burden to the parties—No more quarterly check-ins by the Board. Charging Parties must now submit biannual deferral status reports (March 15 and September 15). Failure to submit can result in dismissal for lack of cooperation.

In short: if your CBA has a grievance process and the dispute can reasonably be handled there, the Region should stay out of it. No overlapping investigations. No parallel processes. Just a clear lane for the parties to use the tools they negotiated.


Why this is a good move


It respects the CBA. Grievance and arbitration clauses are not window dressing. They are the primary vehicle for resolving workplace conflict in a unionized setting. Employers shouldn’t have to fight the same battle on multiple fronts, and employees shouldn’t have their concerns mired in duplicative Board procedures when a functioning resolution process is already in place.

It conserves NLRB bandwidth. The Board is short-staffed and overloaded. Cowen is openly acknowledging the need to focus limited resources on cases where the parties don’t have a contractual mechanism to resolve disputes.

It creates predictability. When disputes are handled through the existing grievance process, both sides know the rules, the players, and the decision-makers, often arbitrators with industry-specific expertise and knowledge of the parties’ history.


A smarter use of everyone’s time


In a rare point of agreement, this shift benefits both labor and management. It keeps the NLRB focused where it’s truly needed, while preserving the certainty and speed of the contractual dispute resolution process.


If you’re operating under a CBA, now is the time to:

  • Review your grievance and arbitration provisions for clarity and efficiency.

  • Train front-line managers on the importance of supporting early deferral requests.

  • Be ready to document why a ULP charge meets the Dubo standard right at the outset.

This isn’t a sea change in labor law, but it’s a meaningful step toward reducing bottlenecks—and putting more trust in the systems employers and unions have already agreed to use.

 

Forecasting Shawn Fain’s Downfall: Blustery With A Side Of Comeuppance

by Kimberly Ricci

The clock is ticking on the possible beginning of the end for UAW President Shawn Fain. The lucky cog and self-professed “reformer” vowed to save a Big Labor organization from its own deeply entrenched legacy of corruption, and despite his trash-can speeches, the ongoing process isn’t going well.


Sure, Fain did outwardly pull off a few goals like that “stand-up strike” against the Big Three, which influenced copycats in other industries. The UAW also unionized a Tennessee battery plant before losing footing with a staggering loss, after which Fain’s attempt to organize the South deflated.


As we will discuss below, six local UAW locals want to oust the bombastic union frontman two years after he took office. How did he get here?


To borrow that old Facebook status about relationships: It’s complicated.


Fain has essentially done himself in an almost impressive fashion:

  • In April, “The Reformer” received his wish to dissolve the UAW’s reform caucus, which was shuttered by a narrow vote. Soon, significant inner turmoil amid the union’s bureaucracy followed with a seasoned officer jumping ship. She accused Fain of filling his inner circle with inexperienced leaders and striking back against dissenters.

  • In June, UAW federal watchdog Neil Barofsky’s twelfth status report painted an unflattering portrait of a power tripper who ousted two high-ranking union officers for refusing to approve questionable expenditure requests. That report also revealed Fain’s toxic leadership style that terrified the union’s own workers. Barofsky did stop short of pursuing criminal charges while specifying that he “continues to investigate various other allegations” related to Fain’s behavior, which will be the subject of a future report.

  • In late July and early August, UAW locals began to turn on Fain in the union’s home base of Michigan. At a Warren local, members approved charges against him “under Article 30 of the union’s constitution.” Next, a Detroit-based Stellantis truck factory and southeast Michigan engine plant followed suit, and quickly, the six-local threshold was met for launching an administrative trial against Fain for a barrage of offenses, including financial mismanagement, retaliation against members, and dereliction of duty.

What’s next? Barofsky must approve the charges, and if that happens, a 12-person committee will oversee trial proceedings and decide Fain’s fate. 

Two guys who won’t be rooting for him:

  • Former UAW President Ray Curry did not hold back while alleging that Fain leads through “fear, intimidation, and retaliation.”

  • UAW VP Rich Boyer, from whom Fain stripped Stellantis oversight duties in 2024, sat down with the Detroit Free Press to lament the state of the union: “He ain't no leader … If you want to know the truth … It breaks my heart bad.”

Who could have seen this coming? Those who paid attention to Fain winning his position through a travesty of democracy might have known. Also, the next officer elections will be held in late 2026, so even without an administrative trial, his days as president might be numbered.


Meanwhile, Fain probably can’t count on receiving much support or sympathy from rank-and-file UAW members. His cheerleading for tariffs not only contributed to layoffs (at manufacturers and suppliers) but also led to reduced profit-sharing checks for Big Three workers. Not a good look.


Don’t forget: The next report from Barofsky will emerge by mid-December, so have your popcorn ready for showtime. 


50 States, 50 Different Ways: Labor Law Trends To Watch In AI, Cannabis, And Beyond

by Kimberly Ricci

You probably won’t be too surprised to hear that 50 states are attempting to regulate AI in 50 different ways. A recent Trump executive order (EO) views the subject through an entirely different lens, but it’s clear that AI itself is evolving every day, and state and federal laws will do the same. 


Below, we will address not only new AI laws but also those covering striking workers and cannabis in different states.


AI Regulations Affecting HR Practices


California’s take is worth watching due to the state’s status as a labor laboratory and the tech-heavy presence of Silicon Valley. Most recently, the Golden State’s regulations under review would place limits on automated decision-making technology (ADMT) in employment-based scenarios like hiring, compensation, promotion, or termination. Notably, employers who outsource ADMT will be required to maintain oversight, and businesses could be liable for any civil suits that arise against third parties, whether they involve privacy violations or discrimination on HR issues.


Colorado has a new “landmark” AI anti-bias law that will require private and public sector employers to conduct risk assessments for bias when AI is used for employment-based decisions. Again, employers should prepare to monitor their own ADMT tools and those of vendors for any signs of algorithmic discrimination. Sound nebulous? This guidance could help, at least until the AI tools that you are using change again.


Texas will soon ban AI that has been developed “with the intent to unlawfully discriminate against a protected class in violation of state or federal law.” This law will also place AI-based discrimination under the purview of Texas’ attorney general, rather than private civil suits.


Striking Workers And Unemployment Benefits


New York and New Jersey already allow striking and locked-out workers to claim and collect unemployment benefits. That trend is spreading.


In Oregon and Washington, striking workers will be able to receive up to 10 weeks of benefits beginning in 2026. Oregon will also extend this eligibility to public sector employees.


Meanwhile, Connecticut lawmakers passed a similar bill that was vetoed by Gov. Ned Lamont, who subsequently declared that the “Unemployment Trust Fund exists to provide support to individuals who are out of work through no fault of their own, and its long-term sustainability is critical.” 


On the federal levelRep. Rudy Yakm introduced the Securing Help for Involuntary Employment Loss and Displacement (SHIELD) Act. If passed, this bill would limit unemployment benefits to workers who lose their jobs.


The Cannabis Industry And Shifting Classifications


Cannabis remains an ever-evolving field where employers must dance around the fact that their trade is federally illegal, but they must adhere to federal labor law where applicable. An exemption has existed for workers who are considered “agricultural laborers” and don’t fall under the NLRA.


New Jersey lawmakers, however, want to make it possible for all cannabis workers to unionize and give state authorities the power to enforce ULP charges and apply penalties. But… not so fast?


The federal governmentaccording to President Trump, is “looking at reclassification” of marijuana as a less dangerous Schedule II drug than its current Schedule I status. If that happens, expect cannabis-focused labor laws to be thrown into more disarray than usual. And you can bet that we will be monitoring that situation if it arises.

 

Stories You May Have Missed:


Wells Fargo Targeted for Cemex Bargaining Order

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Teamsters Are Backing Some Republicans In The Midterms

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Workers at Cannabis Software Firm File for Landmark Union Election

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OU Health Debuts Hybrid Nursing Model

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Starbucks Union Letter Held Illegal Threats, NLRB Judge Says

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About Labor Relations INK

Labor Relations INK is published weekly and is edited by LRI Consulting Services, Inc. Feel free to pass this newsletter on to anyone you think might enjoy it. New subscribers can sign up by visiting here.


If you use content from this newsletter, please attribute it to LRI Consulting Services, Inc. and include our website: http://www.LRIonline.com 


Contributing editors for this issue: Greg Kittinger, Michael VanDervort, and Kimberly Ricci.


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About LRI Consulting Services, Inc.

LRI Consulting Services, Inc. exists to help our clients thrive and become extraordinary workplaces. We improve the lives of working people by strengthening relationships with their leaders and each other. For over 40 years, LRI Consulting Services, Inc. has led the labor and employee relations industry, driven by our core values and our proven process, the LRI Way.

 

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